In 1941, the British deposed their lackey Reza Shah for cozying up with the Germans and placed his callow, decadent, opulent and worthless son on the throne. This led to a pro-democracy movement and the rise of Mohammad Mosaddegh, Iran’s first-ever democratically elected leader.
Courtesy of the
International Court of Justice |
From 1941 to 1953, Iran experienced a golden period of
freedom. During this era, seven political parties emerged in the Iranian
parliament Majles. Mohammad Mosaddegh emerged as the most important
leader during this period. He became prime minister in 1951 and initiated
significant reforms.
Before 1941, Reza Shah ruled Iran with an iron hand. If
people dared to protest, they were shot on the spot or tortured to death or
whisked away to a brutal prison. From 1941 to 1953, free speech, democracy and
rule of law emerged in Iran. Mosaddegh was a key figure in democratizing
Iran.
The Brief Story of Iranian Democracy
Educated in France and Switzerland, Mosaddegh came from a
patrician family. However, he was a reformer who believed in democracy. In
1925, Mosaddegh voted against Reza Khan taking over as the Shah. Once in power
as Reza Shah, the monarch exiled him from public office. With Reza Shah out of
power in 1941, Mosaddegh emerged from the shadows to play a key role in Iranian
history.
In 1944, Mosaddegh was re-elected to the Iranian parliament,
the Majles. As a patriot, he wanted a strong Iran. Mosaddegh aimed
to build an Iran with rule of law, freedom of religion, freedom of expression,
parliamentary democracy and a strong economy. Above all, this Iranian leader
opposed foreign interference in the internal affairs of Iran. In particular, he
did not want the British to exploit Iranian oil for London’s imperial benefit.
He was also against concessions to the Soviets in northern Iran.
Mohammad Reza, the new Shah, and Iran’s comprador elite
were beholden to the British for their hold on power. So, they did not take
kindly to the rise of Mosaddegh. This corrupt and absolutist elite was also
against democracy because they would have lost power. They tried the age old
trick of rigging elections.
As a result, protests erupted in 1949. People came out into
the streets to rally against voter fraud. Mosaddegh led a group of delegates to the Shah’s to
protest the “lack of free elections.” That forced Mohammad Reza to promise
“fair and honest” elections. Mosaddegh and some other leaders founded a party
named Jebhe Melli, which literally translates to National Front, to contest the elections.
Once the Majles convened after the
elections, Mossadegh emerged as the most powerful parliamentarian. As leader
of Jebhe Melli, Mossadegh pushed for major reforms. The Majles approved
a development plan with agricultural and industrial reforms. The plan required
financing, which was only possible through oil revenues. Sadly for Iran, most
of these revenues were going to Britain.
Oil Catches Fire
Unsurprisingly, oil revenues were a hot button issue in the
1949 elections. Once the Majles assembled, many of its members
were duty bound to renegotiate the patently unfair agreement imperial Britain
had forced a subservient Iran to conclude. In the words of the fictional
character Michael Corleone, made famous by the 1972 movie The Godfather,
the British had made the Iranians an offer they couldn’t refuse. Led by
Mosaddegh, Iranians now mustered the gumption to reject that British offer.
Mosaddegh promised to end the British control of
Iran’s oil industry. He demanded renegotiation with the Anglo-Iranian Oil
Company (AIOC), the British oil giant now known as BP. Note that the AIOC was
supposed to pay a mere 17.5% of oil revenues to Iran. In contrast, its American
counterpart was paying Saudi Arabia 50% of oil revenues in 1950. To rub salt in Iranian
wounds, AIOC practiced creative accounting and did not even pay the 17.5% it owed Iran. In fact, they paid more in taxes
to London on their profits from Iranian oil than to Tehran. Led by Mosaddegh, Iranian
patriots resolved to get Iran’s fair share from AIOC.
Iranian Oil Nationalization Rally |
Iranian pressure made the British offer slightly better
terms in 1950. Mosaddegh was key in rejecting this unfair offer and demanded a
50-50 split, the same enjoyed by Saudi Arabia. Naturally, the British opposed
Mosaddegh tooth and nail. They claimed that revision of their agreement with
Iran would amount to a breach of contract. The British very conveniently
ignored their own common law idea of duress as grounds for invalidating a
contract. Simply put: if Winston puts a gun to Rumi’s head to get his signature
on a contract, that legal document is null and void. Such legal principles were
moot for AIOC, which tried every trick in the book to safeguard its
extortionate illegitimate profits.
British intransigence fueled Iranian patriotism on oil
revenues. The public swung behind nationalization of AIOC. By the time the
British belatedly agreed to a 50-50 split in February 1951, the ship for
renegotiation had sailed. In March, the Majles passed
legislation to nationalize the oil industry. True to form, the Shah
did not sign this bill. This British lackey stayed loyal to his imperial
masters, not the Iranian people.
By not signing the nationalization bill, the Shah frustrated
the Majles and the Iranian people. In April, the Majles made
Mosaddegh prime minister, with around 90% voting
for him. A few months earlier, Mosaddegh had turned down the prime ministerial
position. This time, he took charge with a single-point agenda: cut out foreign powers from Iran’s oil industry.
With Mosaddegh in-charge, the Shah reluctantly signed the
nationalization bill. This dramatically changed Britain-Iran dynamics. The AIOC
left Iran, dismantling even the massive Abadan Refinery and associated
facilities. For the first time in two centuries, Britain was on the backfoot.
Unsurprisingly, this mighty imperial power fought back. It went to the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) to appeal against Iranian nationalization.
Mosaddegh cannily disputed the court’s jurisdiction. Months later, the ICJ
decided in favor of Iran.
The Empire Strikes Back
The British did not just resort to legal measures though.
Their fabled intelligence agencies started conspiring to oust Mosaddegh through
hook or crook. The British courted American support to do so. Their task was
not easy. After World War II, the US had been siding with Iran on the oil
issue. It had its own strategic interest to break into the Iranian oil market.
Mosaddegh was well aware of the importance of the US. In November 1951, the
Iranian prime minister visited Washington to meet President Harry Truman. Mosaddegh had a good reception and
returned to Iran positive that the US would act as an honest mediator between
Iran and Britain.
Mosaddegh’s successful US trip and rising international
popularity unsettled the Shah. Vainglorious and insecure, the Shah resented
Mosaddegh. When the prime minister appointed a minister of war, the Shah vetoed
him. In response, Mosaddegh resigned.
This act in July 1952 led countrywide protests. People
poured into the streets, chanting “Give
me death or give me Mosaddegh.” Hasht
Subh, a leading Iranian newspaper, published the headline: “Salaam to
Hero Mosaddegh, We Swear That We Stand by You to Our Death.” In keeping with
the tradition established by his brutal father, the Shah ordered a crackdown.
On July 21 — 30 Tir in the Iranian calendar — the Shah’s forces killed hundreds
of people. This bloody day in 1952 is still remembered as the 30 Tir Uprising.
The very next day, on July 22, the ICJ decided in
favor of Iran. This fueled popular support for Mosaddegh. Despite his brutal
actions, the Shah was unable to establish control over Iran. He was forced to
recall Mosaddegh. The Majles now firmly backed the prime
minister. Iranians were euphoric. They believed that they could now move
forward towards a new future.
The British had other plans. They refused to accept the ICJ
decision. They saw Iranian insubordination as a danger to the British Empire
and imposed a worldwide embargo against Iranian oil. They froze Iranian assets
and banned exports of all goods to Iran. Britain acted against Iran in much the
same way as the US is doing today. Like the US today, Britain planned a
regime change in Tehran: Mosaddegh had to go.
British covert operations against Mosaddegh were savage and
sophisticated. Misinformation, bribery, blackmail, murder and riots were all
part of the toolkit. On April 20, 1953, news broke out that General Mahmood
Afshar Tus, Mosaddegh’s chief of police, had been kidnapped and killed. Investigations revealed that generals sidelined by
Mosaddegh were responsible for this brutal killing.
By now, the British had Americans on their side. The
zeitgeist in the US had changed. Dwight D. Eisenhower was president, Richard
Nixon was vice president and Joseph McCarthy was the most powerful voice on
Capitol Hill. McCarthy saw a communist under every bush and feared the Soviet
Union would take over the world. The British found US paranoia against
communism fertile ground to sow seeds of doubt about Mosaddegh. Bit by bit,
they convinced Washington to join them in their conspiracy to overthrow Mosaddegh.
British and American efforts in weaning support away from
Mosaddegh in the Majles forced the prime minister’s hand.
Mosaddegh asked the Shah to dissolve the Majles. Now
both a British and an American lackey, this weak ruler declined. Mosaddegh
called for a referendum on the dissolution of the Majles. Over 99%
of Iranian voters supported him. On August 15, 1953, Mossadegh dissolved
the Majles.
This proved to be the highpoint of Mossadegh’s power. Events
would soon overwhelm him. His political enemies were now conspiring with the British and the Americans to get
rid of him. Yet Mosaddegh had changed history. He had challenged autocratic
rule at home and deepened democracy. At the same time, he had taken on imperial
powers and won back Iranian sovereignty.
Why Mosaddegh Matters
Mosaddegh was a great statesman. He was honest, hardworking,
idealistic and resolute. He made immense personal sacrifices in his political
life. Mosaddegh steered Iran in a new direction despite the odds. In 27 months
as prime minister, he achieved more than any other Iranian leader in the last
two centuries.
In the land of absolutist Shahs, Mosaddegh championed rule
of law, creating an independent judiciary to check the powers of the executive.
Mosaddegh also supported freedom of expression, freedom of the press and
freedom of religion. An ardent democrat, he tried to increase political
participation and organize free elections.
Mosaddegh’s economic
reforms were significant and are often overlooked. A frugal man, he balanced
the budget and focused on increasing Iran’s economic output. The tiff with the
British was as much about economics as politics. Mosaddegh invested in health, unemployment
insurance and infrastructure. Unlike the Shah who believed in ostentatious
consumption, Mosaddegh was a believer in long term investments that would have
a major multiplier effect.
Mosaddegh curtailed the culture of corruption
fostered by the Shahs. He removed corrupt ministers and appointed
honest ones. He got rid of generals who served British interests. He
redistributed lands illegally seized by Reza Shah.
One of Mosaddegh’s last attempts in power was to give women the right to vote in municipal
councils. He also wanted to provide women maternity leaves and give them the
same rights as men in social insurance, benefit, and disability allowances. He
had little success but that was not for lack of
trying.
In 1952, Mosaddegh was named Time Magazine’s Man of the Year. As
American media often does, they painted this unfamiliar foreign figure as a
villain. In contrast, Mosaddegh was hailed in colonies and newly independent colonies. In
Yugoslavia, Egypt and India, he was hailed as a liberating hero. Remember, this
was a time when almost all of Africa was still under European rule and the US
still practiced race segregation. In his far-sighted reforms, Mosaddegh
was far ahead of his time. Noted American diplomat Henry F. Grady called Mosaddegh “a man of great intelligence, wit and
education—a cultured Persian gentleman.” To Grady, the Iranian leader
reminded him “of the late Mahatma Gandhi.”
Originally published by Fair
Observer on January 27, 2023.